How Action Directe was organized? Was it just a section which is engaged in armed struggle or Action Directe was purely and simply armed organization?
Action Directe had no legal sections and armed, nor was represented by a political party. Political and military unity was an indispensable prerequisite for guerrilla action. It is not easy to explain everything that leads to this overlap.
not starting from point A in order to reach a point B. There were many factors that led us to take the strategy of armed struggle, to apply it in the imperialist, but these did not develop linearly. The practice of guerrilla warfare on this continent has no method. We did not have a manual that tells us how to proceed.
inherit the past and invent this in an explosive mixture of continuities and ruptures. The simplest would be to give an example on a simple notion: the autonomy of the proletariat.
The question of autonomy of the proletariat as a class for itself and as a carrier of the abolition movement of all kinds, is at the heart of communist history. And within this movement to abolish the existing order, and therefore the classes, including those anarchists who also claim their emancipation. From the Paris Commune to the current fighting, form and appearance of class autonomy is at the root of the discussions between communists and anarchists.
However, I am sure you have not been many who have realized today renewed the 60 after reading studies of any issue. Both this approach and historical awareness were available for "naturally" in the atmosphere of the time. Our mind was full of history. Within the French State, the Maoists LIP struggles through migrant workers, this autonomy was not confined to the independent movement of the late 70's. In the late 60's, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Communist Party as the vanguard, as understood in 1917, was once and for all, put into question. But there was a settlement and a theoretical conversion to anarchist theory. It was above all a process, practice, confrontations, experiences, becomings.
was a result of what had happened to the Communist parties emerged from the Third International, and his inability to cope with many aspects of the class struggle, developed since 1945, including the processes of liberation National [1]. But it was the conversion of part of the former "New Left." Having distanced itself from the old Communist Party, played left wing parties to be willing to replace the Caliph Iznogud. In the late 70's in Europe, we witnessed the ridicule of his umpteenth ideological conquest of the masses, the upward trend in their electoral circus and submission of the struggles to institutional channels. And our finding is further fed to join her other evidence.
One was the role of institutional social control. This was nothing new, really there was no difference insurrection in designing criticizing the idea that there would be a slow maturation of the forces within the ideological debates and labor unions. During the 30's, Gramsci stressed the need for a new strategy to overcome the counter-revolutionary institutions preventive bourgeoisie was developed to keep their monopoly on power.
But this need was also something that could be accessed through "the atmosphere of the time." Subversion going through all the spaces, transforming them into moments of critical practice and rulings radically alternative to the existing order. Daily practice was militant occupations, riots, demonstrations militant attacks but also classic and expropriation. This formed a political whole, where revolutionary politics moved on two pillars: the movement and the guerrillas. The realization of the need for a profound renewal of the avant-garde to the abolition of all relations that degrade, subjugate, subdue and destroy the men and women materialize in practice.
findings and facts that created the dynamic that opened up a whole range of possibilities. The only real strength lies in the unity of the comrades in the factories, neighborhoods, colleges, offices, a unit without acronyms or cards, to reject all the divisions that threaten the very unity of class, ie the revolutionary strategy. This unity is born proletarian left, and left only the proletarian can be built through the fight, the revolutionary organization (Sinistra Proletarian, 1970). The words and expressions related to specific situations, they were accountable to reality. Our inspiration came from the classics, Marx, Engels, Lenin ... but also of Mao, Guevara and Frantz Fanon. Marxist theory and new theoretical developments arising from national liberation struggles are intertwined, fused and confronted. We learned from the Situationists in the immediate pre-sesentayochista and Althusser we use to strengthen our analysis. It was not a mere intellectual entertainment. Influenced by the ideas of a pamphlet, defended by the arguments rage at a general meeting ... encarnábamos our references in practice.
was this gay 'disorder', despite the frequent and profound differences between the two guerrilla organization, which made possible the armed struggle on this continent. Proletarian unity strategy involving a break with the institutional social control.
Awareness of these controls was virtually at the root of this option. And it was Althusser how to disentangle how these structures were related: the economic, social and human relations that occur, the state and social bodies and class that create "autonomously", the political and social institutions the consequences and impact they have on our lives, on our behalf and in our imagination.
But the specific situation of the late 60's was cruel to what extent things were contaminated by preventive counterrevolution. Almost worldwide, political and trade union organizations with which they had given the working class quit their jobs. Of course, this was not the first time this happened, for instance: the social democratic parties shattered the Second International in 1914 in the interests of the First World War. However, the novel was to have the guerrilla tool. Had its origin mainly in the liberation struggles that occurred after the Second World War on three continents.
The use of armed struggle responded, becoming a strategic tool against revolutionary violence, the spread of anti-revolutionary policies, to any institution, to the collaboration of trade unions and parties. Mao took the concept of protracted revolutionary war and adapt to our metropolitan reality. Waive the alleged buildup of forces to launch the armed struggle in the "right time" to believe that guerrilla activity was immediately indispensable tool of the revolutionary class war, available for destroying the global system of exploitation and build an organization social alternative.
Contrary to the expectations, the eternal shipments delegations to Vietnam, guerrilla activity drew a line between the current struggle, criticism-break and the target. The preparation for war and revolutionary upheaval is itself political-military. It's the war of resistance, violence against the revolutionaries faced with the brutality of the system of exploitation and oppression.
After Genoa, I heard uttering a protester mediated: violence buries the future. The class of formulas that are worthless, except for those who are limited by a brain-mentality. The violence built into the system is accepted as a natural and self-regulated. While all societies have the tendency to depict violence as an external body and to develop different rituals, sometimes very violent in itself, to drive them out today, where fortunes 358 over 1000 million represents the annual income equivalent to 45% of the world population is 2.3 billion people, is more indispensable than ever refer to the semantic difference Genet introduced in 1977 between violence and brutality.
This simple example illustrates the alienating process that holds the show's defense. They deny the fundamentals of power relations, removing them from the landscape. Access to reality is blocked by words that have lost their meaning. The specific conditions which determines the structural brutality of the system are, at best cases, convicted but not fought. ATTAC
and other citizens intend to renew the content of formal democracy, as it has been developed from the nineteenth century. However, despite the political and social rights are obtained through the struggles and the hard fighting in the framework that relates the capital, labor and state frameworks and rules of this "democracy" are the result of the way capitalist production, in full enjoyment vampire sucking the blood of the workforce. In the nineteenth century, the vampire consummated roughly " the expropriation of the mass of people, [that] underlies the capitalist mode of production." Is off to conquer other worlds where wage dependency was not even his back, while social relations of production. In the early twenty-first century, the vampire still alive by sucking the blood of the workers through two arteries, one that pumps the proletariat of the metropolis and the other.
The union of political and military does not mean making violence "engine history." However, in contrast to the institutionalized violence, peaceful, the relationship between capital and labor, not to say that is the basis of class society, the violence seems likely to win moments of power and the vanquished.
The crisis of domination by the bourgeoisie recorded during sixties, the crisis of accumulation and capitalist social relations, returned to table the question of the conquest of power for the vanquished. Moreover, within the same movement, the ideas of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism were profoundly renewed.
What was the relationship between Action Directe and Rotte Armee Fraktion (RAF)?
The common text of January 1985 was the result of objective conditions, experiences and discussions. And since the revolutionary politics moved on two axes: the guerrilla movement and the experiences and analysis were the subject of discussion among the different instances, the actual guerrillas, resistance groups and more specific organizational expressions.
Contrary to what some idiots have endeavored to say, this text never refers to a merger between the two organizations. Not only conservábamos our respective names and organizational structures, but we determined officially together our political-military campaigns, which involved a continuous discussion. "Develop an open process directed through a common attack that aims to undermine the imperialist strategy in their own schools, because that is where should be prepared militarily and economically to protect its global power. "(For the unity of the revolutionaries of Western Europe, Action Directe, Rotte Armee Fraktion, 1985)
With the RAF, as previously Comunisti per la Liberazione Organizzati Proletarian [2], do not exceed your stage of mutual aid timely manner within the framework of active solidarity, as it is widely used to practice at the time. It was not just to share explosives, weapons, false documents, money or co-lead logistics operations. We attacked together.
In September 1988, when Berlin was held at the biannual meeting of the World Bank and IMF, the RAF attacked Hans Tietmeyer, Secretary of State at the Ministry of Finance of the Federal Republic of Germany and CEO of the IMF and World Bank summits in the world. A common text of the RAF and the BR / PCC joined Khaled Aker Command statement. It stressed that historical differences and political determinations (...) can not and should not be an obstacle to the necessary unification of the many anti-imperialist struggles and activities in a conscious and coordinated attack against the imperialist power.
The accountability of a process like this, you always run the risk of falling into a linear description. The worst thing is that this description helps feed the goodwill of the former, hereafter repent having dreamed change lives and have become reasonably promoters of submission.
However, a chronological listing of the various commitments could give an idea of \u200b\u200bthe combination of factors led to this step:
- The deep renewal of internationalism and anti-imperialism, registered with the practice of armed struggle in the same continent
- The strategic decision " Guerrilla resistance and anti-imperialist front ", published by the RAF in May 1982. Enclose some extracts from this long text.
- The progress of the Western bloc and the odds in favor of the workers and peoples of three continents against the reactionary development.
These commitments did not work, to join as a model program. Are interwoven, interacting among themselves and with a range of practices. And this was all that was planned against the reorganization bourgeois.
From 1979, the year of the onset of Action Directe, as such, and 1982, the correlation of forces had changed, and not in our favor. Can not be held accountable here, of the many factors that had made this possible, I will observe its outcome: the bourgeoisie regained the initiative. It declared war against the peoples and the workers of the three continents. The resolutions of the "summit of Versailles" expressed the new qualities acquired by the imperialist strategy. Some weeks later, the Israeli state launched "Operation Peace for Galilee ', his army would invade Lebanon and perpetrate massacres of Sabra and Shatila. [3]
Similarly, today, all we can see the connection between imperialism without complex under the guise of " war on terror 'and the Sharon government's attempt to end once and for all with the Palestinian people. And every oppressed people can see painfully extent to which this pretext served the state to repress them. However, there is only a matter of pretexts. Is the evidence that supports the interaction between the release of capital and freedom from imperialism. The more faces the capitalist mode of production limits "genetic" of his mode of development, the more brutal consequences are imperialists.
The interaction between these two releases was always at the heart of the strategy of Action Directe. When in 1982, the reality, the way it was deploying the balance of power, showed the outline of this combination, we would start campaigns June and August: a strong demonstration against the summit of Versailles, many operations that included a spectacular attack against the European headquarters of the IMF and World Bank, attacks against Israeli and American companies including an armed occupation of the headquarters of Chase Manhattan Bank.
Thus, in contrast to the findings, we kept an ace up our sleeve. The requirements of a practical critique of internationalism stun interpretations found new ways to develop resistance. Based on the existence of political guerrilla warfare in Western Europe, the RAF will take a project whose size has never before been seen. But the project
of a front where the ramifications of their deployment multiforme resistance was inscribed himself within a process. Reconstruct it in a text under the name From the "sympathy" strategic convergence , published to mark the May 94 trial:
If the European question has not been considered a priori, it will bring out the thread of the standoff with the bourgeoisie and the reactionary forces. It is essentially within the process where most of the beginning of RESOLUTION n (...) To be a proletariat reference point in a process of long-term social war, the revolutionary commitment must understand and take all the realities of his time and, first of all, the trend towards integration of European imperialist bourgeoisie and the depletion of the omnipresence of the nation state. The recomposition of the proletariat depends on the ability to overcome institutional and political relations to represent the interests of the proletariat and its internationalist and anti-imperialist solidarity with the proletarian concrete and oppressed peoples around the world. A single process founded on the fundamental contradiction between the international proletariat and the imperialist bourgeoisie. Since the late seventies, with the sharpening of the crisis and the tendency to war, become simultaneously possible convergence and strategic awareness of the limits of the unit only apparent objective.
Today, where the reactionary nature of European training is clear to all, is not itself evoke excruciatingly banal. But when I quote what we said in 94, I'm quoting something that we knew in the early eighties. Despite our errors and mistakes, we take this responsibility policy with all its consequences. And I'm proud of it. Defeat embedded
accountable for our limits and errors. In retrospect, I have the impression that we, the guerrilla organizations, and other activity spaces for the unity of the revolutionaries in Western Europe, we were miles away. Of course, we are accountable, in practice, new qualities of the international class war but we were too proactive in the field of political efficacy. We failed to realize that we entered a defensive phase of history to the defeated and oppressed. Aware of the strength of the offensive against bourgeois, fell prey to a sense of urgency. However, do not really understand all the impacts posed by the reorganization. We find the defeats but took a wrong time to be passed.
This is particularly true for us, members of Action Directe. The coming to power on the left after thirty years in opposition conceals deep regression in the field of practice and critical thinking. We take this as a local and temporary regression.
The fact is that I am not sure of the value of this evaluation. At present, the impact of this counter-offensive, especially political and ideological level, on the representation of the world and the practical possibilities of intervening in them, are cruel. But these are only some of its effects. The history of armed struggle on this continent is yet to write. We, those who have not given up on changing the world, we can not accept budgets political and ideological clerics of bourgeois historiography. Especially regarding the use of violence against revolutionary.
You were an anti-capitalist organization, but most of your attacks were directed against the government. Why not against multinationals? Do not you think that only governments are the servants of the Capital?
Ay! This question feel bad. Among those tools we have for understanding reality, in order to intervene in it, there is a lot of Marxist corpus. Now the question feel bad because you raise the relationship between multinationals and governments seems to be one of the effects of the dominant ideology, false consciousness reflecting actual conditions.
some years nostalgia has been installed by the interventionist welfare state in many places protest. In short, a social role of the state that preserves the territory of the nation of the effects of competition from "free market" and its axiom of profit at all costs. I will not delve into the historical role of the state model, the complex relationship that exists between different factors in this era of capitalist development covers roughly from the 30's to 80's century. As facilitate understanding of different levels that constitute the socio-economic formations of this phase of history, I will cite only two:
- The development of an accumulation mode where the work overlaps with the Taylorist assembly line and the consequences for the bourgeoisie of the crisis of overproduction of thirties, specifically what is usually called Keynesian policies or schematic, a massive supply associated with a massive demand.
- Some form of class struggle, which involves simultaneously the reality of the mass worker, regimented by the assembly line in large production, the existence of an "alternative model" [4] and therefore defensive position that the presence implies for the bourgeoisie, while you are faced with the struggles for national liberation in the periphery of the center of his power.
To continue an example from the actions of 84 years onwards. Not as a matter of chance, before becoming a specialist in mass layoffs, the great technocrat, Georges Besse, was in charge of important innovations in an industry where there was a French connection between civil and military applications, the Pierrelate factory, in which uranium was enriched for the treatment of waste at La Hague, to produce plutonium. Nor was it a coincidence that Guy Brana, then number two CNPF (National Council of French Employers), pass most of his career in the transnational Thompson. Nationalized in 1981, the company produced high civilian and military tech, and is one of the main actors' Public Sector Industrial ", a war machine of the bourgeois offensive underway.
As in all imperialist countries, monopolies and state are the main agents of the bourgeois class struggle. But in France, the merger (the state monopoly capitalism) takes on very specific characteristics. The enormous weight of the state in the economy and the production itself, through its' Public Sector Industrial " (SPI).
In the early eighties, the State Mitterrand concentrated the main weapons of the restructuring. Also the weapons needed for their war bourgeois class, that is, restoring the rate of profit and impose the new neoliberal model. Today, it is clear that the various governments of "left" act this way. Banks and lending institutions have been nationalized most (36 banks, insurance companies and financial institutions), and the five major industrial groups, those that exceed more than half the ceiling of production are owned by the state and almost all sectors of new productions, construction aerospace, communications, basic research ... and it is precisely these sectors that serve as examples of more radical restructuring, the introduction of new productive creeds total control (working groups, zero defects, zero inventory, zero downtime ...) or to service more blatant speculation and the shenanigans of Crédit Lyonnis or AGF.
from SPI is, precisely, military production is all but insignificant, that the characteristics of the new model of accumulation are widespread in other companies and in the tissue of PME / PMI, and the entire society. So, is the same State introducing the brand on the rise in the rate of exploitation, further driving the capitalist relation of labor extortion.
Action Directe objectives are linked to this state activity, the think tanks where multinationals and the state developed its policies, such as the OECD, which process instances imperialist aggression, military and the Continental European Union, economic and World Bank and IMF.
can not criticize our organization, or the European guerrilla general, the failure to grasp the main stakes of the bourgeois offensive against the possible consequences for the international proletariat.
What do you think of the current militant activity? What are the differences that would emphasize with respect to the time of Action Directe and Rote Armee Fraktion?
When I look at militant activity in recent years, I do it through a very particular prism. Essentially consists of two "subjects".
The first years of incarceration. My relationship with the current activity is necessarily intellectual. I can feel little or poor living contributions, exchanges between those who are in that situation, and with them, the bonds, emotions ... In short, the entire collective subjectivity, integral part of struggle and life. I'm somewhat out of date, being held involuntarily in my ivory tower where it is theorized it is more important than what is done. Live outside the areas where commitments have not formed my own is the most convenient to evaluate the different perspectives.
The second, the "defeat" suffered. When I say suffer, I go beyond those men and Action Directe militants who are in jail. In 1968, I was about 9 years, I'm no sesentayochista. However, I am part of the revolutionary impulse that arose "there."
The strength of the desire for liberation and emancipation [5] had multiple expressions. They walked the whole field of experiences of men and women:
- The struggles, armed or not, in the three continents against local dictators supported by the imperialist powers or directly against its armed forces, or those carried out by the oppressed in the heart of those powers.
- The struggle of women in practice and critical thinking against all the institutions that exercised the modeling of human performance in the service of social capitalists and the submission alienating ...
late the 80, the momentum had been "exhausted." Although only in quotes. Was result of the defeat of the bourgeois counter-offensive, which had been increasing its potential from the 70's. In the long war between exploiters and exploited, a battle was lost. Therefore, the undeniable historical fracture is the cruel realization that exhaustion not be confused with a burnout. It's just a cycle of struggle that has consumed. [6]
The 90's, particularly the first half were a nightmare, a race against oppressive natural course of history. The winners can brag.
Today this phase is behind us. In recent years, outlines what is expected to be a new momentum.
It is what the media have called the anti-globalization movement. At first, I had the impression that seemed monstrous budgets dominated by social democrats. A nostalgia for the State 'social' demands for a "more equitable distribution of wealth", they do not question the very foundations of the system. As a result, limit the aspirations for life, bemire inexorably down the path of reformism applies particularly where the decline of the same system, which is characterized, among others, by a deep reactionary impulse (see what I said about ATTAC and other citizens). Before them, the expressions radicals are on the defensive, dusting the breviary (whether anarchist or communist) to try to oppose the seizure of counterfeit and falsificante reality. The logic of the chapels grupusculares and concurrences between initials in place of dramatic protests are at their zenith. In recent years, I have the impression that it begins to improve. The opening of opportunities for discussion and critical practice of all types is interesting. It must be said that reality has given us a serious boost. Especially since 11 September and the pretext that he has done well crusaders.
Now, given the sequence of events of recent months, hardly You can dismiss as irrelevant the analysis of imperialist relations. Thus, globalization is the name of the new form of imperialism. As modes of accumulation in an "eternal" model of capitalist production, the forms of imperialism also change. On the one hand, full visibility of a pyramidal structure around the U.S., on the other, the continued deepening reactionary power relationships where the claims involved in the depleting world spectacle of impotence. This is obviously a very dangerous situation. At least two reasons: the impressive strike force acquired by imperialism and the temptation to resort to quick fixes by his retinue of angels political scapegoats.
Despite being aware of these dangers, and what they mean to the different spaces that constitute the life and creative impulses, can not convince me of the annihilation of desire for liberation and emancipation. Some time ago, I completed a text in which I compare the commitment to the myth of Prometheus, who stole fire from the gods that men rely more on their blind forces and arbitrary, an insurrection which transformed perseverance lost illusions forces in the future. The aspiration to develop relations between men and liberating women is at the root of the human adventure. According to the times, its constituents, ideological, political and social, is expressed in different ways, and although budgets mistake realization is always reborn from its ashes. Is intimately linked to life, its appearance where it is least expected.
really think that one of the many things we all have in common is wanting to change the situation and concrete changes. In a colony of maquiladoras, near Tijuana, in front of the desertion of the public powers called a free trade area, women are increasing popular education initiatives, creating a school of 300 places, and raised a university of knowledge and philosophy. A recent civilian mission to protect the Palestinian people went ahead, with international presence, to allow Palestinian workers to repair water pumps in a field, after being stranded for more than 15 days and under fire Israeli snipers. A filmmaker shot a film with children in the streets of Dakar after doing everything possible for your project to help children in the long term. I have chosen examples CONSCIOUS 'tiny', conducted in contexts where the logic of death is omnipresent. The impulses of this kind are legion. In the overnight, deconstruct the destruction and adverse power relations, even if efforts are not sufficient to reverse this relationship.
More and more people around the world resist. For those who persist in building a future, conceding defeat can be an advantage. We have experienced shortness of breath, after the death of a boost. Today, we look and live the germination that occurs after this phase. The existence of situations where invisible weaving new awareness of being the only creative crowd reinvents asking our potential to walk.
reading from one source to another, I see the convergence. Criticism anti-capitalist practice and continue to show its advantages. We are abandoning the defensive positions. The "we want everything and we want it now 'sprouts again. Anyway, you can not do otherwise. What I am saying is very vague but they are actually numerous blunt realities where, again, the overall understanding of the struggles, strengths and aspirations. In any case, compared to the early 90's, is better.
Of course, the brutality of the bulldozer work means that the momentum may occur in the opposite direction. And this can be increased even more thanks to our defensive reflexes in order to preserve our dogmas when everything goes wrong. But just This is why I get so excited that your next question, because you are an anarchist and I Communist.
For you, the proletariat must seize power. Do not you think that it should destroy the bourgeoisie and the state to get the self where the proletariat would not be exploited or oppressed?
On the one hand, this issue is one of the essential differences between anarchist and communist labels. On the other hand, in the eyes of history, especially in the last century is nothing more than a caricature.
This forces us to return to the essence of revolutionary anti-capitalist project, their efforts to develop the potential release and human emancipation. From there, we can see that opposes this effort. Inevitably, my presentation will address two categories Marxists, but hey, there are anarchists who also use them, so I hope to make it palatable enough. According to Marxist analysis, there are two contradictions where almost [7] derives all:
-Capital/Trabajo;
-development of the productive forces / private appropriation of socially produced wealth.
are in any case the starting point of the proposal that the exploited and oppressed class, that have nothing to lose but their chains, they will give the mission Historical abolish all classes.
It is only later when the proposals are declined for this " historic mission." Among the proposals are the differences between anarchists and communists in organization. What is the method of the exploited class complete this mission ? What tools should serve to fight? And, at the time the revolutionary fervor, what are the structures that will allow you to go further in the deconstruction of oppression and the development of liberation? It is around these questions and experiences which raises two questions:
- The conquest of state power or their destruction.
- "democratic centralism" or "federalism"
For me, neither the experience nor the anarchist communists have given a scheme that serves as a benchmark to ensure a response. In addition, the current lack of revolutionary fervor makes it even more cautious with the temptation to stiff programs in the remake of that would have happened if ...
According to the Trotskyists, Stalinists would not have taken power in the former USSR and exercised hegemony in the communist movement;
According to anarchists, Communists had not sabotaged and destroyed their efforts in each pulse;
According Stalinist revisionists after World War II there have been no friends of the imperialists.
refried
And these are only general features around which are deployed multiple fault lines in the "field" of the vanquished. The paradox is that those guidelines are politicized rupture in a field where the practice is deeply depoliticized. But there is more than a paradox. After having experienced only one loss, I can not compare with other periods. But all I know about the history of this field, encourages me to think that there are links between the defeat and withdrawal from others, between the impulses and the creative dynamism new opportunities to advance together, in turn generating new possibilities for themselves.
deeply depoliticized This field has several causes. No doubt the loss I mentioned. But over it is our heritage, a century of blood, slaughter and ruin (...), that hardly we dare to call "modernity", which has imposed the renunciation of all forms of inevitability, even revolutionary. It is no less true that this pessimism (...) also is grounded in a context. It reflects the imperialism of the hopelessness that is globalization, as much as we can discern their virtues positive lucid attention is seized by the extraordinary power of the negative inherent in the system. (...) Because what it is for a system and that system-capitalism-remains the same in nature from the imperial capital until their avatars, which, through, and the pace of the considerable changes introduced and which, incidentally, have changed our way of seeing the world, have not only confirmed its harmfulness, the point of putting under the sign of the urgency, (...) the need for change. No need to go get the news elsewhere. Is radical. However they are damaged and disarticulated rebellious forces, for circumstantial reasons like, why not cease to perform the same function. Just multiply that suggest that symptoms will occur, which are converging operations whose program probably will not have available, but whose purpose is indisputable. [8]
Precisely because of this undeniable purpose of the renewed urgency when we ask the question "fatal" What to do, we need to stop demonizing the power. This verb, practice, refers to our relationship with our lives, what we can do together. During 1999, circulated a manifesto Network of Alternative Resistance [9] . Inspired libertarian, stressed, rightly, sadness Resist:
live in an age marked by profound sadness. Not only the sadness of tears but above all, the sadness of impotence. Men and women of our time live in the certainty that the complexity of life is such that the only thing we can do, failing to increase it, is to submit to the discipline of economism, interest and selfishness. The social and individual grief eats away at us and convinces us that we have no means to live a real life and so we submit the order and discipline of survival. The tyrant needs sadness because so every one of us isolated in his little world, virtual and disturbing, yet the sad men of the tyrant need to justify their sadness.
We believe that the first step for sadness (the way it exists in our lives capitalism) is the creation of ties of solidarity and concrete. Break the isolation, build solidarity is the beginning of a commitment, a militancy that no longer works "against" but "for" life, joy, through the release of power.
But precisely what libertarian conviction inspired a little further to define the resistance and denial a desire for power, for reasons both good and bad.
bad in the first place: hundred and fifty years of revolution taught us that, contrary to the classical view, the locus of power, power centers, are both minimal centers of power or powerlessness. The power is concerned, so to speak, management, and has, in itself, the possibility of changing social structure from above if the power of real links in the base will not allow it. The power is thus tends to separate from the powers that be. That is why we think that what happens "up" is about management and politics in the noble sense, is what happens "down."
This distinction recycles the theme of "civil society" pervasive in recent years. And that is somehow the logical end of the theme I hear when any representative of ATTAC [10] sells its acronym activity conquer society that break radically with the previous wills. In view of the efforts and dangers faced revolutionary militancy during these hundred and fifty years to simply disseminate its argument, the alleged reversal of priorities does that give me the laughter, a little bitter, but laughter After .
This theme contains a trap, even more serious rupture will be between a central civil society and the State . What is this civil society? Nobody knows. Or more precisely, if we knew a bit about the history of the concepts in the service of the defeated, we would know before Foucault Gramsci drew attention to the veil induced by this concept in the class realities of our society. In any case, in 1999 when MEDEF (Movement of French Enterprises) is launching its social re-foundation , declining the notion of civil society, [11] a match in the history of the slogans?
contrast against the debilitating reinterpretation of the history of the vanquished the statement of the Manifesto is worth quoting: This is why alternative will be strong resistance to the extent that leave the trap out, ie, the classic political device delays invariably a "morning" at a later time of release. Indeed, that is made by walking is a "law" they know all those who struggle. Strikes in the workplace to the guerrillas, the fact that a fight makes a turnaround. Resistance creates new relationships between people, new requirements, but also that's what makes it so beautiful. And that's something that probably will never understand those who live in the sadness of renunciation.
So back to your question, as a communist does not reduce the chances of seizing power by the proletariat. Because if the contradictions of the beginning of this answer, after Marx, have evolved on a planetary scale, this has not simplified the famous identity of the proletariat, on the contrary. While the socialization of productive forces, linked to their development have expanded the fields of equally famous historic mission [12]. This does not simplify the task of defining ways to enable the exploited class as a class act for themselves, a matter on which Marx and Bakunin and discussed for almost two centuries.
short, if your question is intended to indicate whether or not I believe in the transitional phase of the dictatorship of the proletariat ... The answer is yes, and this is one of the reasons why I consider myself a communist. But if, on paper, this time it seems to me indispensable, among other reasons for everything we know about the ability to do harm of the bourgeoisie to maintain its own dictatorship, do not ask me which is the outline of this dictatorship that we ensure abolition of all classes, and, therefore, the disappearance of the state as we have known, under the dictatorship of one class over another. The Bolshevik method corresponded to an impulse that goes back almost a century. I'm too materialistic to be proposed in response. But the method of the CNT-FAI in Catalonia in 1936, a "drop" that led to the occupation of "empty" by the Catalan bourgeoisie and the Stalinists, is a risk not just convinced me. In short, I have no answer, only the tracks of our failures ... If I ask the right questions about these failures, and would be very happy. Joëlle
Aubron, a prisoner of Action Directe, July 2002.
Published in 2003 by the French fanzine Future Noir.
Published in 2003 by the French fanzine Future Noir.
[1] There are many examples to name Two of them, obviously, the PCF (French Communist Party), giving full powers to Guy Mollet to pacify Algeria, but also the attitude of the Communist Party of Cuba while the guerrillas were operating.
[2] Initially, point COLP were an acronym used to claim the attack on the prison in Rovigo in January 1982 in which four prisoners, former members of Prima Linea, were released. The attack was carried out by several small residual nuclei remained armed movement in Milan and surroundings after the collapse of Prima Linea. This area around COLP, COLP and then continue to work the issue of prisons and put together again for a while a political-military organizational structure. In prison, some will join the BR / PCC (Red Brigades-Combatant Communist Party), others the division of the BR known of Wotter Sitta (Sitta Wotter Collettivo Prigioneri Comunisti), others to the libertarians, others disassociated themselves.
[3] According to Alain Ménargues correspondent in Beirut between 1982 and 1995 for Radio France, the Israeli army's involvement in the massacres is beyond the passive complicity. The conclusions of the official Israeli investigation, made public in February 1983, they stress the personal responsibility of Sharon in the massacres. Alain Menargues, in a forthcoming book presents a series of tests that indicate the presence of an Israeli commando unit. This unit was the first to enter the camp surrounded by the army. Equipped with a list of 120 names, 63 summary executions committed against Palestinian cadres, lawyers, doctors, teachers and nurses. Intervened only after a second, and then a third wave of Lebanese murderers.
[4] That is, the existence of 'actually existing socialism. " Whatever were the failings of this model when classes end and therefore the relations of exploitation and oppression, their presence has helped to democratize the imperialist stage, which is essentially a period of decline and reaction. It is no coincidence that the collapse of this model gives rise to a new decline. The crisis of politics, among others, illustrated in the last election, is one of them.
[5] The release includes the emancipation within their synonyms. However, sometimes using the term emancipation, I try to resume a major distinction. " All emancipation is the reduction the human world of relationships, the man himself. Political emancipation is the reduction of man, on the one hand, members of civil society [...] and secondly, the citizen. [...] Only when the real individual man recovers in himself the abstract citizen and becomes, as individual men, to be generic in their individual work and in their individual relationships, only when man has recognized and organized his "forces propres" as social forces and when, therefore, does not detail the self and social force in the form of political force, only then conducts human emancipation. "(Karl Marx, On the Jewish Question ). Therefore, the release of what is understood as the opposite of alienation. This project can not become in search of paradise lost, liberation and human emancipation is an evolution in continuous development, every effort to do today will make tomorrow better.
[6] In 1998, we wrote:
Therefore, both for current and future struggles, from the indisputable historical break from the late 80's, is of crucial importance.
However, it is also essential to stress that there is nothing extraordinary or catastrophic state that a cycle of struggles is exhausted. These situations occur at least two or three times in a century. After the barricades of the Paris Commune, history revolutionary in our continent has evolved, experienced, has known defeat, acknowledged, to then return to "take heaven by assault."
We must be able to emphasize this evolution, made of ruptures and failures ranging from the old tactics of conspiracy and insurrection of the nineteenth century the construction of the major parties and trade unions from an inability to oppose the slaughter of World War I to the Third International and the Communist Parties, from collaboration with the bourgeois system in the postwar period to the new revolutionary wave that broke the main axioms of modern revisionism.
Today, we want to retain evidence is summarized. Capitalism is transformed by stages and phases and with it, the cycles of struggle, forms and methods of revolutionary change for the "historical effect of the class struggle."
[7] Only almost, and is important because the historical process and political and social formations in which they operate makes me think about what we began to know about the functioning of human brain matter, no more than matter , but also chemistry, which largely involved the subjective, hence the affection in social, cultural and individual.
[8] George Lebrica, Introduction to the reprint of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism . Available with a translation into Castilian in this link: http://www.lahaine.org/b2-img/043-049labica.pdf (Translator's note).
[9] The Manifesto Network of Alternative Resistance is signed by the Class Situations, Mothers of Plaza de Mayo Association, and Malgré Tout Collective Amauta. Available at this link: http://194.109.209.222/colectivosituaciones/articulos_01.htm (N. of T.)
[10] I put in the spotlight ATTAC because, here in the construction of a journalism serves as public space, these symbols they have been invested with the role of the opposition. But this speech, where the practice of men and women who were willing to change society is ridiculed, is widely shared, reduced to the story told by the victors.
[11] See the article by Paul Lagneau Ymonet in Revenir Lutte aux , number 26/27, Agone.
[12] To name one: the reality according to which, if there is the socialization of productive forces, this socialization implies that the collective ownership of wealth includes the limits set by ecology. Otherwise, the wealth would not be such, that is, the future and bury this waste.
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