Introduction To focus on a study of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers (League of Revolutionary Black Workers, LRBW), an independent formation of radical black workers in Detroit, because of the black liberation movement, for research must be answered several questions. We wonder about the history of the relations of black workers in unions. Also if there is a particular phenomenon that has contributed to the League was born in Detroit and not in any other city. Although the size of this study is too small to directly address these questions, I hope that some of the underlying factors that traces the development of the League have been answered. The aim is to present an objective analysis of the historical factors that led to the development and disappearance of the League.
In order to adequately address the LRBW as an organization that unfolded within the broad context of the black liberation movement, it is necessary to make a few preliminary observations incumbent black workers in unions, particularly the United Auto Workers (Union of Automotive Workers, UAW) and the automotive industry.
large-scale participation of black workers began during the first imperialist war, when there was a shortage of laborers and Detroit was becoming the center of the automotive industry. In 1910, there were only 569 blacks among the 105,759 auto workers. During the war, thousands of southerners, both black and white, immigrated to Detroit looking for work in 1930, there were 25,895 blacks in an industry of 640,474 workers.
white Southerners who migrated to Detroit dragged with them their racist attitude. After their arrival the large Polish minority that made up a large proportion of the workforce in the automotive plants began to act out the same prejudices against black workers. The automotive industry was one of the last major industries to recruit a large number of black employees. Blacks were excluded from the regular work in most automotive plants. Until 1935 only the Ford River Rouge plant employed a large number of black workers, those working were limited to positions of janitors or stressful thankless jobs in the foundry, they rejected whites. Were excluded from skilled jobs, except in the Rouge plant.
About half of blacks in the industry were employed at Ford Motor and 99 percent of those in the River Rouge plant. Black employees of General Motors and Chrysler were also concentrated in a few plants: no.70 Buick in Flint, Pontiac Pontiac casting, forging Chevrolet in Detroit and the Foundation of Steel-Gray Chevrolet in Saginaw - all of General Motors, Chrysler's Dodge Main in a suburb of Detroit, some blacks were employed in automobile plants outside Detroit. (A)
Ford unwrapped a recruitment policy that was that ten percent of the workforce at its plant in River Rouge is black. The story begins at the beginning of the depression of 1921 when black workers employed in River Rouge and middle-class black leaders in Detroit are aimed at Ford and talk about the racist tendencies of their dismissals. Tell Ford that has to change its policy of layoffs in River Rouge. Placed black workers in all departments and occupations of the plant. But this policy did not extend beyond the Rouge River.
The Ford assembly line in southern black workers only employed in positions of janitors and doormen. Either way, the employment policy of Ford earned the loyalty of the black community, particularly in his church. Ford made financial contributions to some black churches, and later would use their pastors as employment agents. Black workers would be employed when the managers submit to the company a letter of recommendation from pastors. The stomachs thanked the pastors were delighted with the help of Ford and that increased church attendance, helped her financially and reinforced their positions of leadership in the community. So, after receiving approval from Ford, the good pastors Agana clung to their anti-union positions.
When in 1939, A. Philip Randolph, visible head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (Brotherhood of sleeping car employees, BSCP) was invited to speak at a Black Church, those members who worked at Ford were threatened with dismissal. After Randolph's talk, some were dismissed and said frankly that the speech had been reason. (B)
Mordecai Johnson, president of Harvard University, gave a pro-union speech at a black church, and three months after he was denied a second appearance.
Before 1929, the American Labor Federation (American Federation of Labor, AFL) was formed by craft unions. The AFL discriminated against black workers. It was estimated that black membership in the AFL was about 50,000 workers, but thousands of black artisans were ignored by the AFL, while others were in segregated unions. You can see a case devoid of racial discrimination, the United Mine Workers (Union of Mine Workers, UMW) under the leadership John L. Lewis. With depression, the activist base of the AFL began to press for organizing the workers (industrial) unskilled. Born the Committee for Industrial Organization (Committee for Industrial Organization, CIO). In 1937 the Committee was expelled from the AFL and became the Congress of Industrial Organizations (Congress of Industrial Organizations, CIO). CIO recognized that success required the support of black workers. Blacks and the Communist Party were instrumental in helping to build CIO. The Black National Congress (National Congress Black, NNS), formed in 1936 by 500 black organizations, was a leftist labor union. Supported the CIO vigorously. Helped to radicalize the black community under the leadership of A. Philip Randolph until the black servants of the Communist Party began running its line according to the Russian foreign policy. Began to develop an alliance between blacks and CIO.
But at first the black workers were not receptive to the idea of \u200b\u200bgetting involved in labor activism. Probably due to years of racial discrimination in the workplace and their precarious position in the production sites. When sitting strikes erupted in 1936 and 1937 involved few black workers. But they did strikebreakers, many stayed at home. Before the strike there had been several conflicts race in some plants. In Detroit, the top floor CIO was organized by the Rouge River, where black workers were reluctant to organize until they could be convinced that CIO was on their side. In 1942 the Ford plant at River Rouge was accused after the majority of black workers were on strike.
Despite the CIO was progressive, black trade unionists had to continue the fight against racism inside. During the war, the Communists were identified as the right-wing labor movement. Advocated by sacrificing the rights of blacks to the interests of the war. So when A. Philip Randolph Black proposed to organize a march on Washington to protest discrimination work was openly attacked and met with opposition from the Communist Party. Roosevelt established the Fair Employment Practices Committee (Committee for Fair Contracting Practices, FEPC) as a result of the March. During the war, black workers remained a constant struggle to get skilled jobs in war industries. Automotive plants were converted to war production. Often when a worker was promoted to black, white workers left the job. The Federal Government and the UAW had to apply constant pressure to end the strikes racist white workers. When the war ended, the old patterns reappear discriminatory dismissals. Thousands of black workers lost their jobs. In the 1950 labor movement purged the Communists. McCarthyism in the country went crazy. Even in a period of political hysteria, A. Philip Randolph kept constantly attacking the racism within the CIO. In 1955 the AFL and CIO reunited. Just before the merger, the black trade unionists met to ensure the election of blacks in the Executive Council of AFL-CIO and the federation to take a strong position on civil rights. After the merger, black workers were organized in major cities to fight for their interests.
One such organization was the Trade Conferenfe Leadership Union (Trade Union Leadership Conference, Tulcan) formed by a group of black trade unionists in Detroit in 1957. Most of its founders were of the UAW, but in 1960 there were so many blacks from other unions and the UAW. (C)
Many union members attacked the Tulcan blacks as racist in reverse. They feared that the Tulcan and other organizations divide the labor movement. The Tulcan, the AFL-CIO convention, branded critics of Uncles Tom. George Meany verbally attacked A. Philip Randolph. The Tulcan Meany wrote a letter denouncing his outburst and saying that they opposed attacks on the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People NAACP) by Charles Zimmerman. The Tulcan NAACP approved a memorandum of December 4, 1958, AFL-CIO accused of discrimination and racially segregate its affiliates.
The 2500 members of the Tulcan (in 1961) of the Detroit area were involved in political action, contributing financially to various civil rights activities and political candidates, working to improve public schools in Detroit, establishing contacts with Polish communities, Jewish and English, helping the Black Workers local unions Builders Commons and replace their white delegates "Unfriendly" by blacks or whites more understanding, and serving as a model for Black-American Labor Council (Council of African American workers, NALC) and other similar organizations in the northern cities. (D)
So while Tulcan militant longer considered to be overtaken by the impact of civil rights activity in Detroit, it set the precedent for the appearance of the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (Revolutionary Trade Union Movement Dodge, DRUM). Context
frame construction Detroit
To properly assess the history of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, a social scientist should investigate the overall development of the black movement in Detroit.
Another factor you should consider is the concentration of industry in Detroit.
Between the end of World War II and 1960, hired more black workers in the automotive plants. The black community relied mostly on the liberal-labor coalition. In the black community workers were also prominent black radical. The ghetto of Detroit was also the center of black nationalism north-central. It is noteworthy that the Socialist Workers Party (Socialist Workers Party, SWP) had a strong base in Detroit. His influence was felt in the community black in the early sixties.
Within groups of Detroit, the Group on Advanced Leadership (Advanced Leadership Group, GOAL), led by Richard and Milton Henry represented the adult participation in the movement. GOAL were black nationalist, a civil rights group. The Rev. Albert Cleage was considered the ideological leader of GOAL. James and Grace Boggs, who broke with the group "Facing Reality" ("Facing Reality") of CLR James, played an instrumental role in providing a synthesis of black nationalism and socialism. The thread that connected to Henry, and BOGGS Cleage provided adult leadership to the young radicals, thanks they had high levels of information, constantly written and published a newsletter called
Correspondence , helped organize the Grassroots Conference (Conference of Base) in 1963 and the Freedom Now Party (Partido Libertad Now FWP) in 1964. The discussion sessions were held at the home of Boggs and provided to the young radicals' understanding of concepts, objectives, strategies and tactics and revolutionary socialist.
If you disagree with either partially or substantially with the policy of these organizations or individuals is something that is irrelevant, it should not be overlooked is that worked collectively as radical institutions which preserved and transmitting historical and revolutionary values \u200b\u200bto a new generation of activists. (1)
In early 1963 the students of Wayne State University formed an action group of revolutionary black nationalist / socialist called UHURU. UHURU was a militant group GOAL, Reverend Cleage and Boggan, but maintained a close relationship with them. UHURU was led by Luke Tripp, John Williams, John Watson, Charles Johnson, General G. Gwen Baker Jr. and Kemp. UHURU members studied Marx, Lenin, Mao, Fanon, Malcolm X, Robert F. Williams, Che and many others. Attend weekly forums Socialist Workers Party, listening Communist Party members and supporters of James LR. UHURU was considered a Marxist-Leninist group and was influenced by the Cuban revolution and China. In 1964, when Grace Boggs and the Rev. Albert Cleage development were key elements throughout the State of the Freedom Party now, some members of UHURU were also the organizers. Also in 1964, some members of UHURU traveled to Cuba, where they met with Robert F. Williams, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and Muhammad Babu. Some joined the Revolutionary Action Movement (Revolutionary Action Movement, RAM). In 1965 they regrouped and formed the Afro-American Student Movement (Black Student Movement, ASM), which published a newspaper Black
theoretical called Vanguard , edited by John Watson. Vanguard Black
was distributed among the black workers of the factory but it was too theoretical and thickness to obtain a positive response from you. General G.
Baker Jr. was called up. Wrote a policy letter to the recruiting office to denounce the imperialism of the United States. ASM decided to protest against the recruitment of Baker. They took out pamphlets and newspaper ads declaring that 50,000 blacks would no longer see the Recruitment Center of Wayne County when Baker had to make. Only eight protesters showed up, but the threat of mass action had convinced the army U.S. to declare Baker "inappropriate" for the service.
Different members of the organization started going in different directions occupational. Watson and Williams were students at Wayne State and Baker went to work in the automotive industry. In 1965, Glanton Dowdell joined the organization. His experience in the streets added to the group valuable skills.
A marginal fifth grade, he was placed in a home for mentally retarded at the age of 13. Was in and out of prison since he was 16 until he was jailed in Jackson on charges of robbery and murder. There he formed a select group organized a strike of discrimination against black prisoners. In prison he devoured books, learned to paint and was released after 17 years thanks to the intervention of a probation officer who recognized him as a genius. (2)
In 1966, Dowdell, Baker and Rufus Griffin helped form the Black Panther Party (Black Panther Party, BPP) in Detroit. At the outbreak of a little rebellion in the east side were arrested and charged by police for carrying concealed weapons. Baker and Dowdell were convicted and spent five years on probation. In early 1967, Dowdell suspended sentence. During the winter months of that year, RAM Black Guards and militia organized Community self-defense in Detroit. On the walls throughout the city could read messages such as "Join the Black Guards." On July 22, 1967, the largest black insurrection in the history of the United States wrapped in blood and fury to the thousands of people took to the streets and fought the police, national guard and U.S. Army for five days . Baker and Dowdell were arrested on 24 July. They were released after paying bail of $ 60,000. The Detroit rebellion of increased awareness of black workers. Led to an era of activism for most blacks.
Dowdell was elected vice president of Citywide Citizens Action Committee (Citizen Action Committee, CCAC), a coalition trying to organize the black community after the rebellions. More than 2,000 blacks attend meetings of CCW at the time. Baker returned to work at the factory. There he began to see how the consciousness of black workers was much higher than before the rebellion. In September 1967, John Watson, Mike Hamlin, Luke Tripp, General Baker and others organized a black radical newspaper called
Inner City Voice (ICV), directed particularly to the oppressive conditions of black workers who are called to organize .
DRUM Creating The May 2, 1968 there was a strike by 4,000 workers at the Hamtramck plant to stop the gradual rise in the rate of the production chain. We planned to increase from 49 to 68 units produced per hour in the short period of one week. It reduced the mobility of workers to the point it was difficult to keep pace. As a result of the strike, pickets were set up around the gates and workers began to concentrate. This took place during the evening shift and lasted until the morning shift. During the start of the picket, the company sent a photographer to take pictures of some of its participants. The photographs were used as evidence against some of the pickets and were used for firing and disciplining some of the workers who took part in the strike and picket.
Most measures of punishment, including dismissals and disciplinary actions against picketing, were applied almost exclusively against black workers. They were made responsible for the strike, which was caused directly by the company's indifference to the conditions of workers. Three black workers were fired, ten were suspended from one to five days. Seven people (five black and two white) were dismissed, but all but two - General Baker and Bennie Tate, both black and leaders of DRUM - were reinstated. Chuck Wooten one of the nine workers who founded DRUM, described as were the first steps:
wildcat strike during May 1968 to go to work and pickets were established at that time ... compounds by white workers. I and a few workers crossed the street and we went to a bar ... It was here that we decided we would try to do something to organize black workers with the objective of combating racial discrimination in plants and against oppression and total ... This was the beginning of DRUM. (3)
Before the wildcat strike at Dodge Main, General Baker began to gather a group of eight black workers. They would meet at the offices of Inner City Voice
.
fired or penalized workers sought to organize workers at Dodge Main using a weekly newsletter (DRUM) as an organizing tool. The contents of the newsletter focuses on specific cases of racism in the workplace and emphasized the need for united action of black workers to abolish the racial aspects of exploitation and degradation in the plant. (4)
The first issue of DRUM try the wildcat strike on May 2. The second number "expose" publicly to many blacks in the plant DRUM considered "uncle tom". The number also included the DRUM program.
DRUM is an organization of oppressed and exploited black workers. Notes that black workers are victims of inhuman slavery at the expense of white supremacists charged with plants. It also notes that black workers comprise more than 60% of the workforce at the plant in Hamtramck, and therefore have a unique power. We, members of DRUM, we have no alternative but to form an organization and present a platform. The Union has consistently failed us over and over again. We have tried to address our complaints to the UAW, but we have not received a reply, his hands are so stained blood such as white and racist direction of this corporation. We, black workers, experts believe that if the union can negotiate directly with the company and maintain a separate contract, then the black workers, we have even more justification to move independently of the UAW. (5)
DRUM The third issue was the allegations and documentation of the racist conditions of the plant and also attacked the UAW to join the day of the Detroit Police. It also lists the number of deaths attributed to the police department. After the third week, the black workers of the plant began to ask what had to do to join DRUM. Several members of DRUM worked at the plant to proselytize and recruit workers at work. Its strength and influence grew enormously.
Around the sixth week, the most militant workers wanted to organize a particular action against Chrysler and the UAW. At this point DRUM editors decided to measure their strength. Week called for a boycott before the door of two bars frequented by large numbers of siblings. The bar did not hire blacks and racism practiced in other subtle ways. DRUM received a 95% support. Was achieved without the use of pickets and placards. As further proof of its strength, DRUM called the extension of the boycott. DRUM received strong support again so we decided to call off. (6)
Seeing that the boycott was a success, decided to measure forces DRUM showing that Chrysler and the UAW could close the plant. The ninth DRUM newsletter containing a list of 15 demands. The bulletin prepared workers for a proposed strike. DRUM
application:
1. DRUM claim 50 black foremen.
2. DRUM able to claim 10 black generals immediately.
3. DRUM claim 3 black superintendents.
4. DRUM demands a black plant manager.
5. DRUM demands that most of the office staff is black.
6. DRUM demands that all doctors are black and 50% of black nurses in medical centers of this plant.
7. DRUM demands that the plant medical policy change radically.
8. DRUM demands that 50% of the security guards are black and that every time a black worker is fired must be relieved by a black brother.
9. DRUM demands that all black workers immediately stop paying union dues.
10. DRUM demands that the two hours of pay that union dues will be diverted to the black community to contribute to self-determination of black people.
11. DRUM demands that the double standard is eliminated and the creation of a black-based committee to investigate all complaints against the corporation, to find out what kind of discipline should be applied against the employees of the Chrysler Corporation.
12. DRUM demands that all black workers who were dismissed on charges fabricated racist are reinstated with all lost pay.
13. DRUM demands that our fellow blacks who are working for Chrysler and its subsidiaries in South Africa receive the same pay as their fellow white supremacist.
14. DRUM also claims to be designated a black brother as head of the board of directors of Chrysler.
The base potential to achieve these demands is the following:
1. A legal expression in Local 3 and Solidarity House.
2. A legal protest in Highland Park (home of the Chrysler Corporation).
3. A legal strike in the chain of Hamtramck.
In the ninth week of its existence, DRUM was moving. On Wednesday July 7, 1968 DRUM organized a rally in the parking lot of the factory where they came more than 300 workers. After speeches by the leaders of DRUM, black workers, along with a series of black community groups and a set of conga, formed a line and marched to the Local 3, the UAW headquarters, two blocks away. DRUM picket carefully planned to coincide with the meeting of the executive leadership of the union. When workers arrived the premises, entered the building. Beset by panic, the executive director immediately cancel its meeting and opened the union hall to listen to criticism of the company and the union. DRUM leaders criticized as the union worked closely with the corporation, the failure of the union at the time of hearing the complaints of workers, and the demands of DRUM. Dissatisfied with the line of defense pro-capitalist union Ed Liska, president of UAW Local 3, and Vice President Charles Brooks, DRUM declared closed Dodge Main to resist the union contract.
On Friday July 8, 1968, DRUM and some advocacy groups came the plant gates at 5 am to be there at the time of shift change at 6 am
The pickets were organized and composed of students, intellectuals and people from the community. The workers were excluded. White workers were allowed to enter the factory but all blacks are stopped. No force was applied, only verbal persuasion was sufficient to maintain an estimated 70% of black workers outside the plant. (8)
Although most white workers entered the factory, many accepted the picket line and returned home. Some 3,000 black workers were concentrated at the gates of the factory at the same while production fell almost to be interrupted. At noon, six members of DRUM went to Local 3 and met with Liska and other union leaders. DRUM again to complain. This time the police arrived, workers gathered outside. Began to put on their gas masks and get into position for attack. Then a detective came forward and ordered the workers to disperse. DRUM dispersed the majority of the strikers after organizing workers at least 250 buses. The bus drove at least five miles to Chrysler headquarters in Highland Park. DRUM organized another demonstration in front of the headquarters of Chrysler. Police in Highland Park gas came with war. Most of the protesters had gas masks. A group of representatives of DRUM addressed the Chrysler building and demanded to see the charge. They refused to meet with DRUM. DRUM representatives returned to the rally and said the company refused to see them. Satisfied with having achieved their immediate objectives, DRUM transported marchers back to their homes.
That Sunday a dozen members of DRUM were invited to the regular meetings of representatives of the UAW blacks in the city. Nerves were on the surface. Even after ensuring that the black leaders of the UAW would support the specific demands of DRUM, was clearly a break rather than pooling. (9)
The next day, Monday, DRUM are restated at the plant. Hamtramck police handed out a John Doe warrant the protesters. The police proceeded to disperse the demonstrators. DRUM activists, feeling that they had succeeded, they made pieces and court orders, or went to work or went home.
The wildcat strike lasted three days and Chrysler lost production of about 1900 cars. No one was fired and DRUM leaders considered it a smashing success. (10)
black organization in August attempt to usurp DRUM. The group consisted of black trade unionists and a professional employee of Chrysler who pretended he was fired by the company. The group handed out newspapers on behalf of DRUM - Detroit Revolutionary Union Movement. Requested a meeting with the original DRUM - Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement. The Detroit DRUM thought the original DRUM leadership was incompetent and needed a direction. The meeting did not lead to any positive result because the original DRUM criticized them for not having a base and also have a bad style of work. But DRUM learned that to not be co-opted or distorted should move immediately with the objective to formalize its structure and strengthen the organization.
In May, DRUM consisted of eight workers at Chrysler were a editorial board which met every Sunday. In September, DRUM had become a moderately large organization whose form was mostly amorphous. In mid-September, DRUM submitted its constitution and its theoretical framework to be accepted at a general meeting. Both the constitution and structure were accepted unanimously. (11)
A trustee of the UAW Local 2 die and a special election scheduled for September 3, 1968 to elect a successor. The
DRUM leaders were divided over whether to nominate a candidate or not. Opponents believe that participating in electoral politics of a union: 1) would seem committed to a UAW "corrupt", 2) could form the basis of opportunism in some members of DRUM, and 3) could lose the election . Those in favor argued that the election could: 1) show black solidarity, 2) demonstrate leadership DRUM, 3) serve as a vehicle for political education, and 4) support the growth of DRUM. (12)
elected Ron
March DRUM, DRUM member, to present the program of the organization, and provided a platform for the elections:
1. Complete submission of all its members to the black majority.
2. All decisions of the union will agree directly with the wishes of the majority.
3. Advocate for a revolutionary change in the UAW (including a referendum and revive complaints procedures)
4. Public condemnation of racist practices within the UAW
5. The rejection of the dictates of the international staff of the UAW.
6. The total involvement of workers in the union's policy as opposed to the dictatorship of the executive management. (13)
Initially, the campaign was organized as a tool for political education while also trying to come out March Ron elected. Ron was the lead in the election with 563 votes against 521 of its closest competitor.
The night announcing the second round of elections Hamtramck police attacked some black workers close to some bars. Chuck Wooten, a member of DRUM, describes the forms of harassment:
The Hamtramck Police Department began to move more openly. Penalties put us in our cars and generally harassed us. One day, we were about fifty of us at the entrance of the union, which is opposite the police station. The mayor and police chief came armed. We were told that we let up trouble and we responded that all he wanted was to win the election. We asked why do not harass the other. As we spoke, a squad of police came through the door happily. (14)
choice between the first and second rounds, the union sent letters to retired workers asking them to participate in the election. While blacks accounted for 63% of the workforce active in UAW Local 3, whites (mainly Polish-Americans) accounted for most retirees.
On October 3, Ron March was defeated in the runoff by a vote of 2091-1386. DRUM believed that after the negative publicity in the official press and association and police repression, that Ron got 40% of the vote under was a good thing. After participating in two more elections and get similar results, DRUM decided to end their direct involvement in electoral politics of the union. Instead, he supported a black candidate but were not members of DRUM at least they were progressive.
DRUM, expanding, had to resolve how they finance their activities. The two main sources of funding came from its members and workers. But they were insufficient to support the organization. DRUM
organized parties, demonstrations and rallies where they attended workers, students, church and neighborhood groups. Also organized picketing in front of Solidarity House to publicize their demands. DRUM decided to get involved in fundraising activities and wanted this while raising the consciousness of workers and the black community informed of its existence. With the help of black clergy, DRUM confirmed a church to develop a mass rally. DRUM sold raffle before the rally to raise funds and advertise. The first prize was a M-1 rifle, a shotgun the second and third prize a bag of food. The rally, held on 17 November, which included a large community assistance.
formation syndicalist movement in other factories DRUM
's example inspired black workers from other factories organizational forms of style. Brothers and sisters attend meetings of DRUM to learn organizational skills and to discuss the situation in plants across the state, where black workers enslaved help write new chapters of DRUM. DRUM's call to strike in Hamtramck Ford encouraged the creation of the Revolutionary Union Movement (Revolutionary Trade Union Movement Ford, FRUM) Avenue and Eldon Revolutionary Union Movement (Revolutionary Trade Union Movement Eldon Avenue, ELRUM). Both published their own newsletters.
ELRUM development was especially significant as Eldon Avenue plant was the only gears and axles for Chrysler. In its eighth week of life, ELRUM called a demonstration at the entrance of the UAW Local 961. It was concluded that about 300 workers had lost the morning session. When they returned to work the next day, 66 of the 300 were disciplined immediately and many were later. The punishments ranged from five days to one month without pay. Protests against this punishment culminated in a wildcat strike on January 27 1969. (15)
strike in the Eldon Avenue involving a large percentage of black workers and production is stopped completely because blacks making up even higher proportion of the total workforce in the case of Hamtramck. Later ELRUM boxes would analyze the strike was premature and that 26 strikers were dismissed even though the pickets were composed of supporting schedules. ELRUM, at the beginning, had to face the fact that most of his paintings had been expelled from the plant and that they themselves support the families of the brothers fired.
Al arise more syndicalist movement in other factories of Detroit and other cities, DRUM and supporting schedules thought it was necessary to centralize the organization.
The organization of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers An important factor in the development of the League is the fact that it was created as a result of spontaneous self-organization of black workers. National consciousness (race) of black workers was so high the result of the July 1967 rebellion. It came to the plants, where young black workers were more determined than ever to do anything against inhumane working conditions.
Although DRUM training phase was implemented as an action group and study, the wildcat strike at Hamtramck's May 3, 1968 was the catalyst which turned it into an organization of black workers. The organization and structure did not exist until it was two weeks DRUM development. The reaction to the spontaneous action of the workers proved to be a contradiction that was never resolved within the League. Maintain the activity and interest of workers became one of the most important for the organizers of the League within the factories. The concept of a League of Revolutionary Black Workers had crossed the mind of General Baker, John Watson, John Williams and Luke Tripp for years. In 1964 and 1965 had published a theoretical journal called Black Vanguard
that called for the creation of a League of Revolutionary Black Workers. Between December 1968 and the spring of 1969, meetings were held with the collective picture (a broad coalition of activists working together since the days of UHURU) to discuss the formation of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. The contradictions that emerged later were among the organizers inside plants (workers) and community activists and petty bourgeois intellectuals. General Baker and Chuck Wooten (DRUM organizers) were the guiding force as the other workers blacks were concentrated in LRBW. The only book written about the League,
Detroit: I do mind dying Dan Georgakas and Marvin Surkin, distorts the history and development of LRBW.
A community organizer is not mentioned in the book was Clanton Dowdell, who organized most of the community support DRUM and the League until he was forcibly exiled to Sweden in August 1969. Baker and Dowdell had been members and cadres in the RAM of Detroit and had worked together for years. The addition of Ken Cockrel, Mike Hamlin, John Watson and John Williams's leadership of the League as they had experience in managing and other technical skills to coordinate and expand a movement of black workers semiespontaneo. The League published journals of opinion and a public document entitled "Here's Where We're coming from" ("From here is where we come from.") In order to develop internal democracy within the League, this was divided into compartments that had a semi-autonomous. The boxes were broken down into committees of members and traffic, an editorial committee and a committee of intelligence / security. All committees are directly accountable to the central committee known as the executive committee. The central staff was the body of tables constituents of the League under the executive committee and were responsible for the daily activities of the League. From the beginning, the fact that the executive committee was composed of only two employees, General Baker and Chuck Wooten, was a major contradiction. Was made by Baker, Ken Cockrel, Mike Hamlin, Luke Tripp, John Watson, John Williams and Wooten. Glanton Dowsell held the position of intelligence and security. In addition, Baker and Dowdell were members of the Black Liberation Party (Party for the Liberation Black), then an underground party, a vestige of RAM. While Dowdell was in Detroit, he kept strict discipline within the League, and intellectuals from outside the plant - Mike Hamlin, John Watson and Ken Cockrel - did not dare to challenge Baker and Wooten. The
LRBW joined the law in June 1969 and opened its headquarters at 179 Courtland Street in October. Began its public in July 1969 Inner City Voice
, its official organ. Most members of a black student movement of the city, which developed their activity in colleges and universities, joined the League. School groups, led by students from Northern High School, published a newsletter called Student Voice Black
. While in Detroit, Dowdell was the mentor of students.
Conference Black Economic Development The National Black Economic Development Conference (Conference National Black Economic Development, BEDC) met in Detroit for 25 to April 27, 1969. Convened by the black clergy and lay people who had received some money from the black caucus in the Christian churches, the conference marked a turning point for the league.
At the conference, James Forman (formerly of SNCC and the BPP), drafted a manifesto that was black requiring repair. The manifesto demands money to black white churches to support projects like a black publishing company, a box of black resistance and a land bank. Forman did not have much support and the Republic of New Africa (Republic of New Africa, RNA) saw the manifesto as a moderate version of repair. Forman went to John Watson of LRBW and asked him to support the manifesto, promising to raise money for the league. At the conference, Watson spoke with pictures of the League to support the manifesto. After an acrimonious debate with the manifest RNA was approved.
Some League members joined the executive committee of BEDC and manifested with Forman in white churches. Forman asked for entry into the League and eventually became a member of his staff. Forman's entry led to real problems within the League. Through money from the BEDC, the League was able to open a printing (Black Star Press) and a library (Black Star Book Store) and make a film Finally Got the News
.
But none of this left them free. The founding agreement included Black Star Press that one of its first projects would be to print a book of Forman, T
've Political Thought of James Forman . During this time there was a fierce debate between General Baker and Akbar Muhammad Ahmad on the membership form to the League. Bimonthly consult both the basis on internal development and the problems that arose within the League. Ahmad was of the opinion that Forman was a "Black that controls or destroys" (a person or an organization controlled or divide) and although the money would help the league, will also boost the influence of form within the same and this would end by breaking up in less than one year.
League drafted a manifesto and called a conference of black workers.
The show was very well received, but the league leaders in the factories began to lose enthusiasm for the whole idea. They felt that to continue the success in the plants was higher priority than ties with like-minded people in other cities. They were concerned that many groups had RUM disappeared. (16)
The first steps of an ideological break between the league's executive committee took place around the issue of BEDC. General Baker expressed reservations about the BEDC and refused to join its board. Cockrel, Hamlin and Watson, intellectuals and administrators outside the factory, dismissed Baker's objections and joined BEDC. Baker also added that Forman was a guy questionable. All agreed to support the idea of \u200b\u200bpromoting an International Black Appeal (Appeal Black International, MA), a charity tax free. John Williams was elected as a director.
newspaper South End Inner City Voice began to run out of funds in September 1968. In October, John Watson, an irregular student at Wayne State University, was presented to a post of editor of the student newspaper at Wayne State and was elected to the position in the academic year 1968-69. The coalition of white and black students who helped him were firm supporters of DRUM.
Watona the South End became the voice League. When news began to publish several revolutions, Palestine in particular, stood in the crosshairs of the university administration and the white power structure in Detroit. On 10 February 1969 Joe Weaver, the conservative broadcaster WJBK-TV, went to the offices of South End
to interview Watson. He refused and closed the door. Weaver forced entry. Watson ordered to leave. Weaver continued asking questions while the cameras were recording. Other members of South End
entered the office and blocked the camera. Weaver finished with a black eye. He left and went to the police station, where charges against Watson for assault and battery. Ken Cockrel, the lawyer for the League, Watson defended in a trial where he was acquitted. While editing Watson took
South End helped build support Student of the League.
However, the Inner City Voice ceased publication at this time. It is doubtful that the student newspaper to come to an important segment of the black community as did the Inner City Voice . He could not relate to black workers in the same way you would a publication written specifically for them. (17)
A personal discussion between the South End
resulted in the following school year and DRUM Watson lost control of the newspaper.
League activities in the community and its relationship with other groups The primary focus of activity of the League in 1970 was focused on organizing black workers in the place of production. All other activities were seen as secondary. But as soon as the League received publicity, especially through certain sections of the left American and European intellectuals like Cockrel, Hamlin and Watson began to project themselves as leaders or spokesmen of the League and eventually lost contact with employees of the organization.
... the main concern of General Baker and Chuck Wooten was ... they had organization in plants Watson / Cockrel / Hamlin were more visionary in the sense of advocating for political participation LRBW the large community of Detroit and beyond, and Luke Tripp and John Williams held an intermediate position between the two positions. (18)
Since the inception of the league, this was a fraternal organizational relationship with RNA. On March 29, 1969, Detroit police attacked RNA during a meeting at New Bethel Baptist Church after a shootout between security guards and police RNA. A policeman was killed and another wounded. Police surrounded the church until he siege. Entered, arrested one hundred and fifty people and solitary confinement.
James River, a deputy black state, contacted Judge George Crockett, a black judge. The judge went to the police station where they were imprisoned and found that none of them had been charged with any charge. Convened a court commissioner and released about fifty. Although William L. Cahalan, a prosecutor in Wayne County, he stopped his feet, his action caused concern about the violation of civil rights and police eventually release most of them the next day.
Judge Crockett was placed immediately under the spotlight of the ruling class and the white press. They formed a Black United Front (Black Kingdom, BUF) to assist the judge. Front was comprised of about sixty organizations from the NAACP and The Guardians (the Guardians, an organization of black police officers) to RNA or DRUM.
On April 3, 1969, the Black United Front held a demonstration in support of Crockett and responded about three thousand people . (19)
The formation of the Black United Front and the demonstration threatened to polarize Detroit. After a few weeks, the Detroit Commission on Community Relations issued a report favorable to Crockett.
Free Press, Detroit, published an editorial apologizing for some previously published racist articles against him. The Association Michigan Bar Association (Bar of Michigan, ABM) and the spokespersons of the UAW and New Detroit (New Detroit, ND) defended the legal position of Judge Crockett.
John Watson, the LRBW, was appointed director of the West Central Organization (Central West, WCO) after receiving a $ 30,000 grant from BEDC. During this period, the Detroit Board of Education (Education Board Detroit) announced a plan to decentralize control. WCO convened a conference attended by 300 representatives of seventy organizations to address the plan for decentralization. The conference formed a coalition called Parents and Students for Community Control (Parents and Students for Community Control, PASCC). PASCC was devoted to community control of schools and other community issues. The League could impact on black high school students, including on some college students. Began to develop a cadre of high school at Northern High. Its first director was Glanton Dowdell and later Mike Hamlin. His newsletter, Black Student Voice
, called the student control of schools:
Summer is over and we're back in the same place forever, white teachers, books and heroes are hanging on the walls of our schools. It's time students and students not to rise, become men and black women, and tell teachers, principals, administrators and students uncle tom who are sick and tired of all the white trash that takes place in our black schools. What's your black heroes? Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, Rap Brown, Nat Turner, Robert Williams, Huey Newton and many others that your uncles tom teachers refuse to speak. All Black students should join or support a black student organization working for effective change and make school more relevant to black students. These milky ass racist should stop controlling our black schools. Students must make decisions on who should teach and rule during school and not a milky racist suburbs. (20)
revolts of black students achieved all the institutes of the city in 1999. They formed a Black Student United Front (Black Student United Front, BSUF). Demanded the revocation of the suspensions to all students who took part in the demonstrations. Also, among their demands was a requirement for pan-African flag waving instead of a dirty cloth, the student control of curriculum, the elimination of police in schools and student choice of teachers. Often, the BSUF distributed leaflets in factories, participated in the picketing League, and served as its youth section.
The BPP of Oakland was growing and becoming a national organization. League Tables felt that the Panthers had a romantic appeal to black youth and attract potential members of DRUM. To counter the possibility of competing between two groups, Luke Tripp, and John Williams were appointed to organize the local chapter of the Panthers. Some members of DRUM joined the BPP in Detroit. Luke directed the activities of the Detroit section of the BPP through the support of organized labor.
[La Liga]
believed the Black Panther Party in Oakland was moving in the wrong direction by focusing on organizing lumpen elements of the black community. The League did not believe that a successful movement could be based on this lumpen lacking a source of potential power. The League believed that the most promising basis for a black movement found success were black workers because their source of power derives from its ability to disrupt industrial production. (21)
The relationship between the league and the Panthers broke soon. In 1969, the national headquarters in Oakland purged Like Tripp and others. There were serious ideological differences:
jackets and black berets were the Panthers a good ticket to go in the media, maybe too good. DRUM believed in keeping their members in hiding as much as possible, especially if they were involved in military operations. Believed to be due to the masses with images that were realistic rather than the image of the superhero who may admire but who fear to imitate. (22)
While the league is more involved in the community and became increasingly known throughout the nation, as a revolutionary organization of black workers, was losing its base in the factories. His work began to draw a line between increasingly large staff and organization in the factories. In addition, a bureaucratic structure began to replace what at one time was a modus operandi flexible. The ideological divide was about to happen revolved around tactics.
ideological rupture in the league: Group A and Group B While the League expanded its base in Detroit, questions about the direction of it became increasingly important to their leaders. The RUM is expanding among hospital workers and the press. RUM also appeared in the steel and other industries in different cities. The league had become the inspiration of the caucus of black workers throughout the country.
To address the issue of a national organization of black workers, leaders of the League decided to form a Black Workers Congress (Black Workers Congress, BWC) to coordinate the various RUM and the caucus of black workers throughout the country. The BWC would be an American version of the Soviet: workers making decisions about their own liberation. But at this point in its development, the League began to break into two factions were divided between black nationalist workers in factories and Marxist-Leninist intellectuals outside of them.
divisions in the league lasted one year, open beginning in 1970 and ending on June 12, 1971 when John Watson, Ken Cockrel and Mike Hamlin resigned to go with the Black Workers Congress. Ideological differences were conducted on different conceptual frameworks, where the priority should be placed in the organization, the national consciousness, cooperation with white radicals, social relations, the scope and direction of the fight. The League had become a bureaucratic structure with people working full time on various projects. The RUM, arising when exceeded the national consciousness developed among black workers through the rebellion of Detroit, were increasingly difficult to maintain. The organizers factories themselves trying to solve the problem of maintaining the morale of workers. Most of the RUM is developed from the spontaneous actions (wildcat strikes) to complain. But how to keep an organization in plants was a growing problem. The League organized events to provide members with social activities. These events allowed the League members know each other and develop greater cohesion among them. At one point a discussion arose about creating a supermarket worker to develop economic self-sufficiency.
While the League held a community unit, failed to mobilize a large number of workers. Watson, Cockrel, Hamlin and Forman began traveling more and more outside of Detroit, making press statements and giving interviews to newspapers white radicals. Mkalimoto Ernie Allen describes the situation:
... was the "office of Cortland, a major center for the organization of workers, the" office of Linwood, for Parents and Students for Community Control as well as for the International Black Appeal , the "Dequindre office, where was the Black Star bookstore and a draft Community abortionist, the" Fenkell office, headquarters of the Black Star printing office also had separate geographically to the film company Black Star, the Labor Defense Coalition (Coalition of Labor Defense, CDL) and UNICOM, a community organizing center. To outsiders, the project appeared worthy of admiration for the bases of the organization was a bureaucratic nightmare and organizational. (23)
Another important contradiction was the failure of leaders to outside factories to relate his theory with the reality of black workers, a failure on their part at the time to listen and learn from them and treat them as equals . A weekend that General Baker was in New York, convinced Ernie MKalimoto (an anti-war activist and organizer BPP in Northern California) to move to Detroit and work with the League. MKalimoto left New York. His involvement in the League helped to polarize the contradictions in their leaders. Developing rapport with workers and their views were seen as a threat by leaders outside the factory - Cockrel, Watson, Hamlin.
uneven political development among its members was another problem that the League had to drag. Political education classes were given to all members. At first, Luke Tripp taught basic classes on Marxism-Leninism. Tripp, not knowing how to explain the theory with everyday language, bored workers, who often fall asleep. MKalimoto asked that imparts. He would make them more simple and the workers end up enjoying. Most workers were revolutionary nationalists. They were anti-Marxist. Marxism-Leninism was new to them and if they are explained step by step and in terms they could understand, had just accepted it. But the relationship with those workers had alleged Marxist-Leninists, and way of life was alienating.
John Watson believed that the League should become Marxist-Leninist political party black. Watson called his faction, formed by Cockrel, Hamlin, Forman and itself, the "group B" by Bolsheviks, and the faction made up of General Baker, Chuck Wooten, Ernie MKalimoto, Dedan, Mitch, and Little Jidali AK as the "Group A" of Akbar or the nationalist faction. Before contend with the differences between the conceptual frameworks of the two factions, we must confront the social contradictions.
The rampant male chauvinism in the league. When the sisters came to the Cortland office are sometimes asked to leave. The discipline began torn apart after the departure of Dowdell. Some workers had serious drinking problems. The group B (Watson, Cockrel, Hamlin and Forman), instead of addressing them to try to resolve their problems, spent most time talking with the left and chasing white women.
Hamlin spent much time organizing the entry of the League club reading "Control, Conflict and Change" organized by the Motor City Labor League (Labour League of Motor City, MCLL). Approximately less than two percent of its 700 members were black. Forman received attacks from group A for leaving a black woman by a white woman. He denied having been married to a black woman. Cockrel Hamlin and shared the same house with her two white concubines. Watson, though she was married, "Liaria" with white women League parties and openly admit that had a "magnet" for white women. The sisters of the league felt distaste for the group B. The group B was acting out his revolutionary integrationist, which, at that time, also made the Panthers. Things began to írseles hands, but General Baker refused to fight against their old friends.
Political disagreements among the league leaders started feeding personal antagonisms. The factory people denounce that the brim of BWC liked being with people, "bourgeois" white over what they liked being with black workers. Cited Cockrel to having an arrogant and authoritarian comrades. Watson was accused of becoming a dreamer who let the overseas travel and cinematic fantasies replace your old vision of an American Revolutionary Worker. It was said that Hamlin was in love with the idea of \u200b\u200ba national organization and had lost common sense. James Forman, who had come to the League through BEDC, was believed to be scrapped and the splitter that Baker always suspected it would. (24)
general discontent made its appearance on the staff. Ernie MKalimoto and some of his supporters were purged in April 1971 for allegedly be trying to make a coup with the excuse of ultra-democracy. The battle continued until June, when the staff demanded a greater say in decisions of the League, with the result of the resignation of Watson, Hamlin, Cockrel and Forman. The ideological differences between group A and group B revolved around what James A. Geschwender called the model of capitalist exploitation and the colonial model.
Group B (Cockrel, Hamlin, Watson and Forman) wanted the League to become a Marxist-Leninist black. Were mainly black people as an oppressed minority exploited both for its racial base as its base class. His fundamental insight of the world was that the black worker was the most important time to bring the revolution to this country. Thought that national oppression (race) would be eliminated through a socialist revolution. They believed in an integrated society after a socialist revolution.
Group A also believed that black people were oppressed by race and class basis. Believed that 200 years of slavery had become the African American in a nation. After the period of Reconstruction the national culture and institutions of the black nation were consolidated for hundreds of years of racial prejudice. Group A argued that the country's historic the black nation was the south. They imagined a socialist revolution led by blacks in which there would be many independent socialist states cooperating with each other while maintaining their political autonomy. A group published two pamphlets which he explained his position:
Revolutionary Nationalism and Class Struggle Ernie MKlimoto and Black Revolution World.
So the question was, where we emphasize, in the struggle against national oppression and class?
intellectuals went to the Black Workers Congress and most workers stayed in the league until General Baker went to the Communist League (Liga Comunista). Conclusion
problems in the development of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers and the internal contradictions that led to their disappearance are problems and contradictions that have been repeated over and over again in the black liberation movement.
Some of these problems have had to deal with black radical organizations since 1920 are:
1. The choice of a correct method to interact with the masses and nurture the spontaneous development.
2. The role of an organizational chart in this development.
3. Finance: independence from external sources.
4. The role and relationship of radical intellectuals basic members of the organization or the masses.
5. The lack of understanding of relevant conceptual framework to understand the reality of the masses.
This author considers, having studied the highlights of the black liberation movement since the Emancipation Proclamation, that both seasons, the 1920 and 1960, were largely spontaneous mass movements. That is, his character was spontaneous and organizations tried to use the mass activity. None of these movements lasted more than fifty years and was due to internal contradictions or external pressure, or both.
When a social scientist studying the decade of 1960 may assess that organizations like the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SCLC) grew with the success of the spontaneous action of Rosa Parks refusing to give up her seat to a white man on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama, which in turn led to the organization Montgomery Improvement Association (Association for the Improvement of Montgomery) and Montgomery Boycott. Based on the success of the boycott of Montgomery, and others, organized the SCLC. Similarly, after sitting, there was the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (Coordinating Committee Student Non-violent, SNCC).
Arguably, without the presence frame or its emergence from the mass activity, conducted and promoted by them, the mass movement of 1960 had not progressed as much as he did.
Detroit's case was similar. This study has attempted to show the development of a young cadre. It should be noted that this picture was trying to relate to and by advancing the spontaneous nature of the struggle for black liberation in Detroit. But the League would not exist if the urban rebellion in July 1967 had not taken place. The urban rebellion raised the "national consciousness" or the consciousness of race among black workers from the automotive plants, making them more receptive to organize outside the UAW. What is unique about the case of Detroit is continuing its tradition of radical black, a factor that should not be underestimated. The fact that an embryonic box organize wildcat strikes of workers is a key factor that led to the development of DRUM and other RUM. The importance of a table in advance of a mass movement to transform it into a social revolution should not be underestimated. In the social revolutions, the role of painting in the development of a mass movement has usually been a determining factor for the movement succeeds or fails. An important point is that in the 1960's, most activists believe that the correct social theory that emerged was the social practice. Evolutionary theory in practice and the correct change. So the methodology to be learned from the experience of the League is practical, theory and practice.
A crucial factor that we can learn from their experience is the role of finance. In this case I tried to show as finance coming from external sources redirected the purposes of the League, organized in places of production. The question of building a cheap source of independent resources based on self-reliance, which can take several years to achieve or receive funding from foundations, etc., Was and is a problem for the black liberation movement. Resources financial forces outside the black community thwarted the development of SCLC, SNCC, the BPP as well as the League.
again turn to the question of the role of intellectuals who are not in the center of activity and its role together with the masses. In the League emerged an arrogant self-disciplinary authoritarianism on his part in directing the mass organization. The inability of intellectuals to be willing to listen to the masses, taking into account their suggestions, learn from and share with them the leadership is a crucial problem. Egocentrism created some intellectuals in the American educational system may be the reason that they are so reluctant to flexibility when working with people. Many of these intellectuals - who several times used the Marxist-Leninist later Mao Tse-Tung, as dogma rather than using a search method of empirical truth - became unconscious in the rescuers 'scientists' of heathen masses. The problem is related to university intellectual class composition, class suicide and living reality of the masses.
workers and intellectuals share different life experiences, leading them to have different world views, while all black people share the racial and class oppression on two levels. Therefore, it is more likely to black workers and black prisoners, handle different concepts and theoretical schemes to the intellectuals. This was the case with the League.
In 1960, as in the past, most intellectuals fail to understand this reality. That is, its really not the reality of the masses. Consequently, as organizations grew quantitatively, the ideological ruptures where you normally have had a Class to them. Very few organizations or leaders developed a conceptual framework that our people could understand, understand and improve. The lack of a comprehensive conceptual framework based on empirical data is something that still absent in the black liberation movement today. Developing such a conceptual scheme should mean developing a new paradigm, one that even comes to question the existing Marxist paradigm.
Although I am not justifying or advocating the spontaneous activity, it plays an important role in the development of a mass organization. The failure of the Black Workers Congress was to build a mass base before attest to this.
Considering these five factors, it is important that the pictures seriously consider the history of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. Under our limited capacity for historical understanding, was to organize black workers more advanced emerged from the black liberation movement. Learning from past mistakes, build a solid picture for the future and dare to struggle, dare to win!
Muhammad Ahmad (Maxwell Curtis Stanford, Jr.)
NOTES [A] John A. Bracey, Jr., August Meier, Elliott Rudwick, eds., Black Workers and Organized Labor, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, I971, page 156.
[B] Irving Howe and BJ Widick, "The UAW Flghts Race Prejudice." Commentary, Vol 8, No. 3, September, 1949.
[C] Bracey, et al., Op. cit., page 212.
[D] Ibid., Page 214.
[1] Ernest MKalimoto Allen, "Detroit: I Do Mind Dying, A Review," Radical America, Vol. 11, No. 1, January-February 1977.
[2] Grace and James Boggs, Detroit: Birth of a Nation, pamphlet, October 1967, page 7.
[3] James A. Geschwender, "The. League of Revolutionary Black Workers," The Journal of Ethnic Studies, Vol. 2, No. 3, Fall 1974, page 4.
[4] Luke Tripp, "DRUM - Vanguard of the Black Revolution," The South End (Wayne State University Student Newspaper), VoL 27, No. 62, Thursday, January 23, 1969.
[5] DRUM (Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement) Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 2, page 3.
[6] Tripp, op. cit.
[7] DRUM Newsletter, Vol. 1, no. 9, page 1.
[8] Gesch Wender, op. cit., page 6.
[9] Then Georgskas and Marvin Surkin, Detroit: I Do Mind Dying, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975, page 47.
[10] Wender Gesch, op. cit, page 6.
[11] Tripp, op. cit., page 2.
[12] Wender Gesch, op. cit., page 7.
[13] DRUM Newsletter, Vol. 1, no. 13, page 1.
[14] Georgakas and Surkin, op. cit., page 49.
[15] Wender Gesch, op. cit., page 6.
[16] Georgakas and Surkin, op. cit., page 161.
[17] Wender Gesch, op. cit., page 11.
[18] Allen, op. cit., page 71.
[19] Georgakas and Surkin, op. cit., page 69.
[20] Black Student Voice, Vol. 1, no. 2, October 1968.
[21] Wender Gesch, op. cit., page 9.
[22] Georgakas and Surkin, op. cit., page 74.
[23] Allen, op. cit., pages 71-72.
[24] Georgakas and Surkin, op. cit., page 162.
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